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Artikel von:
Udi Engelsman
Mike Rowe 
Alan Southern 

Udi Engelsman has recently completed his PhD, a study on regeneration in three communities, in New York, Boston and Liverpool. His research interests include stakeholder relationships and power dynamics in urban regeneration and community empowerment in inner city neighborhoods.

Mike Rowe is a lecturer at the University of Liverpool Management School. His research interests include the changing role of the state and of state actors at the street-level.

Alan Southern works at the University of Liverpool Management School. His research interests are focused on community assets and how to stimulate new forms of enterprise in low-income communities.

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Narratives of Urban Resistance The Community Land Trust

A small part of the self-help housing campaign has been the slow emergence of the Community Land Trust (CLT) movement. »The CLT is typically a private, nonprofit corporation that acquires land parcels in a targeted geographic area with the intention of retaining ownership of the land for the long term.The CLT then provides for the private use of the land through long-term ground lease agreements. The lease holders may own their homes or other improvements on the leased land, but resale restrictions apply. In theory, the CLT removes the cost of land from the housing price by separating ownership of the land from that of the house or other improvements.« (Greenstein & Sungu-Eryilmaz 2007, p. 9) They are heterogeneous in terms of their scale and urban/rural contrast and because the motivations behind their inception appear to be so different. We outline the contradiction between housing as the process of activism and housing as a commodity. This is important because we see in the former means by which community organizing can be explained, but show the former to be understood in terms of class analysis. We then consider activism through the four phases of direct action suggested by Colin Ward and go on to look specifically at two CLTs, both in major US cities. These two cases, one in New York and one in Boston, offer an insight into why a particular type of community organizing took place. We see a stand against gentrification in the heart of Manhattan, radical action to secure the ownership
of land and to prevent displacement in a Lower East Side neighbourhood. In contrast, the second case shows a stand against the violence exerted in the degeneration of a South Boston neighbourhood. Here we see a community conversant with civil rights struggles able to secure the compliance of the local state through their direct action. Narratives of resistance, we suggest, rely on activists and professionals who both share similar aims and develop a symbiotic relationship in resisting the hegemony of private capital and the state. […]